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Öğe Between security and prosperity: Turkey and the prospect of energy cooperation in the Eastern Mediterranean(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2019) Demiryol, TolgaCan natural resources facilitate regional cooperation? Recent discoveries of natural gas in the Eastern Mediterranean have led many to ask whether natural resources can bring peace and prosperity to the region. This article draws upon the contrast between liberal and realist perspectives on interdependence to explicate the extent to which shared economic interests can facilitate political cooperation in a conflict-ridden region. The analysis of Turkey's Eastern Mediterranean strategy corroborates the proposition that when states prioritize security over prosperity, they will likely continue to escalate political tensions even if this jeopardizes economic gains from cooperation.Öğe The Eastern Partnership and the EU-Turkey Energy Relations(De Gruyter Poland Sp Zoo, 2014) Demiryol, TolgaThis article discusses the prospects and challenges of energy cooperation between the European Union (EU) and Turkey within the context of the Eastern Partnership (EaP). Part of the EaP agenda is to advance energy cooperation between the EU and the partner states, particularly regarding the diversification of import routes. As an energy corridor between the EU and the hydrocarbon-rich Caspian states, Turkey is a strategic asset for European energy security. Turkey also has economic ties and political capital in the Caspian region that can help the EU reach out to its eastern partners. Despite robust incentives for cooperation, however, the EU-Turkey energy partnership has so far failed to meet mutual expectations. This article argues that this is primarily due to the inability of the two actors to credibly commit to regional energy cooperation. Commitment problem stems from two factors. First, the predominance of national energy interests over communal ones undermines credible commitment. The variation in energy needs of Member States prevents the EU from acting in unison in external energy policy. Similarly, Turkey also prioritizes its own energy security, particularly in its relations with suppliers, which undermines cooperation with the EU. Second, the EU and Turkey hold divergent perspectives on the potential political payoffs of energy cooperation. Turkish decision makers are convinced that energy cooperation warrants palpable progress in Turkey's accession while most EU actors appear hesitant to establish a direct connection between energy and accession.Öğe Economic crisis, elite conflict and institutional change in empires(Peter Lang AG, 2023) Demiryol, TolgaThe Ottoman and Habsburg Empires both faced the "general crisis" of the 17th century. Yet they responded to the crisis very differently. The Habsburgs centralized fiscal structures, which would facilitate economic development in the 19th century. The Ottomans, which initially had more centralized tax collection, opted for decentralization, paving the way for economic peripheralization. To account for this puzzle, this book offers a political-economic theory of institutional change that focuses on the structure and intensity of elite conflict over the distribution of resources. Using the comparative-historical method, the book demonstrates that high levels of conflict generated political incentives for centralization, and where such incentives were lacking, decentralization followed.Öğe Enerji ve güvenlik ekseninde Türkiye-Irak ilişkileri (1990-2018)(2018) Demiryol, Tolga; Pekşen, Hasan DenizBu çalışmada Türkiye-Irak ilişkilerinde enerji ve güvenlik unsurlarının rolü tarihsel ve karşılaştırmalı olarak ele alınmıştır. İki ülke arasında son dönemde güçlenen enerji merkezli karşılıklı bağımlılık olgusundan hareketle enerjide ortaklaşan çıkarların siyasi ilişkiler üzerindeki etkisi sorgulanmıştır. Bu bağlamda, enerjinin siyasal etkisinin çözümlenmesinde aktörlerin iç politika dinamiklerinin, karşılıklı tehdit algılarının ve bölgesel jeopolitik değişkenlerin rolü incelenmiştir. Çalışmanın temel savı, Türkiye-Irak ilişkilerinde enerji unsurunun artan görünürlüğüne rağmen, enerji iş birliğinin ve projelerinin esasen siyasal ve jeopolitik gerekliliklerce şekillenen güvenlik politikalarının yürütülmesinde bir araç ve kolaylaştırıcı rolü gördüğüdür.Öğe Interdependence, balancing and conflict in Russian-Turkish relations(Springer International Publishing Ag, 2015) Demiryol, TolgaThis article provides a realist account of the puzzling trajectory of Russian-Turkish bilateral relations since the early 2000s. Between 2003 and 2011 these two major Eurasian powers engaged in an unprecedented level of political cooperation under the framework of "strategic partnership." Bilateral relations deteriorated after 2011, indicating a return to a more competitive equilibrium. Two factors explain this pattern of cooperation and conflict: (a) the growth of economic interdependence between Russia and Turkey, based on energy partnership in particular, (b) the convergence of Moscow and Ankara's security interests in Eurasia. This essay finds that while energy-fueled economic interdependence facilitated political cooperation, the convergence of regional security interests was the primary driver behind the rapprochement. Russia and Turkey balanced against what they perceived as the US encroachment in their sphere of influence. Security factors also explain why relations between Russia and Turkey deteriorated after 2011 even though economic interdependence remained robust. External changes like conflicts in the Caucasus and Black Sea region and the Arab Spring in 2011 drove a wedge between Russia and Turkey. Lastly, the long-term incongruity of the energy strategies of Russia and Turkey functions as a source of conflict in bilateral relations.Öğe Knowledge power or diplomacy? University alliances and the Belt and Road Initiative(2023) Chou, Meng-Hsuan; Demiryol, TolgaThe growing importance of China as a major actor in international order has generated tremendous interest among social scientists, but scholarly debates remain in their disciplinary confines. Our study connects existing international relations research on China and the Belt and Road Initiative with two concepts in higher education studies-knowledge power and knowledge diplomacy-to reveal the multi-faceted approach that China applies towards its "outward-oriented" internationalization activities in the knowledge domain. By studying two instances of university alliance-building through the Belt and Road Initiative, an empirically less examined area in both international relations and higher education studies, we demonstrate how China embraces a knowledge diplomacy approach in the case of the University Alliance of the Silk Road and knowledge power in the case of the Asian Universities Alliance. We argue that the co-existence of the two approaches points to the aim of China's multi-faceted approach to its external relations in the knowledge domain. By combining alternative organizational structures and logics embodied in different university alliances, this approach presents a non-hegemonic attempt to normalize China's network centrality in an interdependent world. We conclude that China's Belt and Road Initiative university alliance-building efforts should open up a rich analytical space that encourages further exploration through a world-centered tianxia heuristic.Öğe The China model debate: China as an alternative governance exporter?(Springer International Publishing, 2023) Demiryol, TolgaThe rise of authoritarian powers like China has raised questions about the future of liberal democratic governance and the diffusion of alternative models. China's brand of developmentalism appeals to many in the developing world that are disappointed with Western blueprints, which have failed to deliver inclusive global growth. Given the political conditionalities of economic engagement with the European Union and other Western actors, the presumably no-strings-attached China Model appears preferable for some authoritarian and hybrid regimes. Despite the continued academic and public interest in the diffusion of the China Model, there is little agreement as to what the model actually entails. The conceptual ambiguity surrounding the China Model, in turn, limits our ability to analyze the diffusion of the model. The present chapter seeks to contribute to the search for conceptual clarity on the China Model by offering three ways to conceptualise it: the China Model as gradualistic and pragmatic policymaking; the China Model as a distinctive approach to ordering state-market relations; and, finally, the China Model as a combination of high economic growth with authoritarian resilience. Each conceptualisation is assessed in terms of its uniqueness to China and its exportability to other contexts.Öğe Türkiye-Rusya İlişkilerinde enerjinin rolü: asimetrik karşılıklı bağımlılık ve sınırları(2018) Demiryol, TolgaBu çalışmada yakın dönem Türkiye-Rusya enerji ilişkileri karşılıklı bağımlılık perspektifinden incelenmektedir. Çalışmada asimetrik bağımlılık koşulları altında siyasi işbirliği süreçlerini şekillendiren iki faktörün altı çizilmektedir: tarafların karşılıklı bağımlılığa dair tehdit algıları ve asimetri kaynaklı risklerin yönetilmesi için izlenen stratejiler. İthalat bağımlılığının nasıl algılandığı sorunu güvenlikleştirme (securitization) olgusu üzerinden tartışılırken, asimetrik bağımlılık kaynaklı risklerin yönetimi ise kompartımanlaştırma (compartmentalization) kavramı yardımıyla ele alınmıştır. Türkiye-Rusya vakası göstermektedir ki kompartımanlaştırma stratejisinin efektif olduğu ve aynı zamanda ithalat bağımlılığının güvenlik-dışılaştırıldığı dönemlerde asimetrik karşılıklı bağımlılık siyasi işbirliğine zemin teşkil edebilir. Buna karşılık jeopolitik çıkar çatışmalarının kompartımanlaştırma mekanizmasını sınırladığı ve ithalat bağımlılığı güvenlikleştirdiği durumlarda, hiyerarşik güç ilişkileri ve rekabet dinamikleri görünür hale gelmektedir.Öğe Unusual middle power activism and regime survival: Turkey's drone warfare and its regime-boosting effects(2022) Soyaltın-Collela, Diğdem; Demiryol, TolgaThe emerging middle powers in the Global South increasingly seek to produce domestic defence technologies. Drones in particular have become an important feature of middle power activism. The existing literature heavily focuses on the outcomes of the diffusion of drone technologies for regional and global politics. Yet not much has been written on the domestic impact of home-grown military technologies in middle powers. Therefore, we ask how the manufacture, export and use of drones promote regime survival, focusing on the case of Turkey. Turkey is a critical case because of its demonstrated middle power status and heavy investment in the development of armed drone platforms. Turkey's drone programme and warfare have considerably raised the international profile of the country's burgeoning defence sector. Yet we argue that the use of military tech also has boosting effects on domestic regime survival. This happens in three ways: promoting techno-nationalism and pride, strengthening border security and shaping regional order, and contesting global dynamics on the basis of national interests, security and self-sufficiency.
